Beyond Development: Urbanization, Assimilation, and the Uprooting of the Oromo in Ethiopia
Beyond Development: Urbanization, Assimilation, and the Uprooting of the Oromo in Ethiopia
In the wake of the new Ethiopian government’s policies and narratives concerning language, culture, education, land administration, state structure, and urbanization, there is growing concern that such developments equate to the uprooting and assimilation of Indigenous peoples. Projects like the planned mega airport city at Warra Aabbu and the Gadaa Special Economic Zone Smart City are no exception.
On the contrary, these mega projects may pose even greater threats to local languages, cultures, and identities. They appear to carry covert agendas aimed at eroding Oromo unity and dismantling Oromia’s cohesive and historically grounded statehood at the heart of Ethiopia. Furthermore, it is worth noting that these projects are unfolding in the context of broader government narratives that undermine local languages, cultural institutions, and indigenous governance systems such as the Gadaa system. Here 6 more points to consider why the new airport city is beyond development project:
1. Bole International Airport Remains Underutilized
Despite being one of the largest aviation hubs in Africa, ‘Addis Ababa Bole International Airport is currently operating at only 30% to 50% of its total capacity. This underutilization raises critical questions about the justification for constructing a new international airport rather than maximizing the use of the existing one.
Airport for EAL began at Old Airport, Expanded at Bole, Now to Warra Abu (40 km South of Finfinne)
2. A Multi-Airport Strategy is Better Suited for Ethiopia’s Federal Structure
Ethiopia’s diverse population and federal constitutional framework call for a decentralized, multi-airport system, similar to models used in countries like South Africa, and Nigeria. Rather than concentrating resources in a single new mega-airport near Finfinne (Addis Ababa), the government could upgrade and internationalize existing airports in regions like Hawassa or Jijiga, especially if elevation is a technical concern, both towns lie at lower altitudes suitable for aircraft performance. Such an approach would align better with equitable regional development and the principles of federalism.
This kind of imperial nostalgic problem emanates from the empire mind-set of centralizing everything near the state power or the imperial capital. To solve this, retaining a single capital city as the seat of the federal government is not only unnecessary but also unjustifiable, particularly when it comes at the expense of indigenous peoples. Ethiopia would be better served by adopting a model similar to South Africa’s, which has three capital cities for its federal functions. Likewise, a decentralized approach with two or three international airports would be far more appropriate and equitable in the Ethiopian context.
3. More Than an Airport: A Federal Megacity Not Controlled by the State of Oromia
The new airport is not just an aviation facility—it is part of a broader plan to build an "airport city" (aerotropolis) that will not fall under the administration of the Oromia regional state.
The land and infrastructure are being developed under the control of Ethiopian Investment Holdings (EIH), a federal government enterprise aggregating all government owned businesses under the chairmanship of the PM. EIH owns Ethiopian Airlines Group (EALG), which in turn controls the airport and associated enterprises and developments.
The federal government's increasing use of Amharic as the sole working language, indeed against the very demands of the Qeerroo movement that brought them to power, further reflects the centralizing tendencies and marginalization of indigenous languages like Afaan Oromoo.
4. East Shaggar (Shoa): The Heart of Urban Oromia (Most of which started as garrison towns) Displacing Thousands of Oromo Families - Cittoorratti Fanxoo
The location chosen for the new airport complex falls within East Shaggar (Sho’a), one of the most urbanized displacing and uprooting indigenous Oromo clans. In other words, this area is where de-Oromization is being conducted at an alarming pace by Ethiopia.
Towns like Galan, Dukam, Bishoftu, Adama, Mojo and others are fast-growing urban centers that host significant industries, logistics hubs, and population density all at the cost of displacing Oromo identity.
This part of Oromia is also a critical corridor linking Finfinne with the southern and eastern parts of the country.
5. More Problematic than the Controversial 'Addis Ababa Master Plan'
The current proposal to build two new mega-cities, including the new airport city is even more concerning than the '2014 Addis Ababa Master Plan', which was shelved after mass protests and thousands of deaths.
These two cities (Abusera Airport City & Gada Special Economic Zone) are to be built in a corridor where Oromia's territorial width narrows to less than 75 kilometers (about 47 miles), which could severely impact the territorial integrity and administrative continuity of Oromia as a single entity.
6. Absence of Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) and Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC)
ESIA processes are meant to evaluate the potential environmental, social, and cultural consequences of large-scale infrastructure and urbanization projects before they begin. FPIC, on the other hand, is enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), to ensure that Indigenous communities are not only consulted but have the right to give or withhold consent prior to the implementation of projects that affect their lands, territories, and resources.
A key issue aggravating the harm is the consistent disregard for internationally recognized procedures such as Environmental and Social Impact Assessments (ESIA) and Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC). In both the Warra Aabbu airport project and the Gadaa Smart City initiative, there has been little to no transparent ESIA process, and local communities report a total absence of FPIC. The affected Oromo populations have neither been adequately informed nor meaningfully consulted.
What is even more concerning is that, in some cases, there have been reports of exaggerated claims about the project's benefits to local communities, accompanied by fearmongering and manipulation campaigns. Government-aligned cadres have reportedly employed tactics to spread fear and suppress dissent, creating an atmosphere of intimidation that discourages communities from critically engaging with or openly opposing the projects in informed and organized ways. Huge members of the Ethiopian Defense Force are also deployed to these areas. This violates both Ethiopia’s constitutional promises of self-determination for Nations and Nationalities, and its international obligations under human rights treaties to which it is a party. Far from being inclusive or community-driven, these initiatives raise grave concerns about cultural erasure, dispossession, and social fragmentation, particularly for the Oromo people.
Conclusion: Urbanization as a Vehicle for Assimilation and De-federalization
Given the current mono-lingual policy, centralized urbanization agenda (corridor development), the proposed federal land ownership model or/and private ownership of land, privatization plans of Ethiopian Airlines and other government owned enterprises by Ethiopian government and the discursive and institutional erosion of constitutional federalism, any urbanization including the ongoing urban expansion poses serious threats:
a) Indigenous Oromo communities, such as those in Warra Aabbu and surrounding areas, are at risk of cultural assimilation, displacement, and loss of ancestral land.
b) This model of urban growth facilitates the restoration of centralized state power, both symbolically and administratively, while fragmenting Oromia, potentially dividing it into Eastern and Western zones disconnected by federal enclaves.
c) The broader trend represents a deconstruction of the federal system, de-contradicting the principles enshrined in Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution, especially regarding the right to self-determination, self-rule, language rights, and equitable development.
d) Absence of proper ESIA and FPIC mechanisms, such development projects risk becoming instruments of cultural genocide, economic dispossession, and ecological destruction. They must be halted or revised until transparent, inclusive, and rights-based frameworks are put in place that truly respect the voice and agency of Indigenous communities, particularly the Oromo, who continue to bear the brunt of historically rooted marginalization.
e) Urbanization, under the guise of modernization, is being weaponized as a tool of assimilation, fueled by unchecked globalization and veiled political motives aimed at dismantling Oromo unity and weakening the integrity of Oromia as a federated regional state at the heart of Ethiopia.
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26 April 2025
Ibsa Gemeda
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